By JANE DUCKETT, WILLIAM L. MILLER
There's a energetic debate in regards to the advantages of globalisation for constructing international locations. in response to various focus-group discussions and over 10,000 interviews, this ebook reviews fiscal and cultural openness from the point of view of the general public in 4 constructing or 'transitional' international locations: Vietnam, (South) Korea, the Czech Republic and Ukraine (both ahead of and after the Orange Revolution). It reveals many supporters of beginning up, but in addition many that are discontented with its downsides and who count on states to take on the exploitation and unfairness that accompany it. one of the so much fervent enemies of openness there's help not only for peaceable public protest to take on the issues it brings, yet for violence or sabotage. The technique presents a special chance for the general public in constructing international locations to 'speak with their very own voices' approximately markets and openness – and highlights the subtlety, ambiguity, tensions, conflicts and emotion that statistics on my own fail to seize.
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Additional resources for The Open Economy and its Enemies: Public Attitudes in East Asia and Eastern Europe
Sample text
Yet some of the specific discontents did not contribute much to overall discontent. For most the remedy was not to abandon opening up, but to address its specific faults by helping the casualties of gobalisation to develop the skills necessary to compete more effectively, and to take action to protect and sustain the national culture. Nonetheless, if the state was perceived to be unable or unwilling to provide these remedies, its legitimacy could be seriously eroded. The public might not turn against opening up, but they could turn against the state.
The interview schedule was designed to cover not only the questions we had put to the focus group participants but also the range of answers and the additional topics these participants had spontaneously raised in the relatively flexible format of a discussion. It included 117 substantive questions about the same topics as in the focus groups, plus another twenty-seven ‘background’ questions – including questions about religious, ethnic and territorial identities, linguistic capabilities, and contacts with foreigners, as well as the usual socio-economic background questions.
But we found no legacy, or perhaps an inverse legacy, of classic communism. Northerners did have a more social democratic concern for the casualties of globalisation; but although they had the least experience of an open market economy they were the most enthusiastic about marketisation and opening up. Despite their proximity to government, or perhaps because of it, northerners were more critical than southerners of government officials reaping the benefits of globalisation more than the people.