By Guian A. McKee
Contesting claims that postwar American liberalism retreated from fights opposed to unemployment and financial inequality, the matter of Jobs finds that such efforts didn't cave in after the recent Deal yet in its place started to flourish on the neighborhood, instead of the nationwide, level.With a spotlight on Philadelphia, this quantity illuminates the principal position of those neighborhood political and coverage struggles in shaping the fortunes of urban and citizen alike. within the procedure, it tells the awesome tale of ways Philadelphia’s policymakers and neighborhood activists energetically labored to problem deindustrialization via an leading edge sequence of activity retention projects, education courses, inner-city company improvement tasks, and early affirmative motion courses. with out ignoring the failure of Philadelphians to wrestle institutionalized racism, Guian McKee's account in their stunning luck attracts a portrait of yankee liberalism that evinces a efficiency no longer often linked to the postwar period. finally studying financial decline as an enviornment for intervention instead of a old inevitability, the matter of Jobs serves as a well timed reminder of policy’s power to strive against injustice.
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Extra info for The Problem of Jobs: Liberalism, Race, and Deindustrialization in Philadelphia (Historical Studies of Urban America)
Example text
City solicitor David Berger later explained that “contrary to Clark who was the reformer and the theorist, Dilworth was the activist and was interested in things he could see and feel. ”32 Mann’s background in manufacturing made him sensitive to the problems of Philadelphia’s industrial firms, and he immediately adopted almost all of Phillips’s ideas for industrial renewal, often claiming credit for them economic crisis and local liberalism 33 as his own. Unlike Phillips, Mann had little interest in the daily details of the Commerce Department’s operation, which he left to his staff, and his irregular attendance at Dilworth’s cabinet meetings became well known.
Penn El Service’s owner, a sixtyyear-old, white businessman named Sam Reiver, had purchased the company in 1943. As the business expanded, Reiver struggled with conditions in the surrounding neighborhood. With a mix of aging row houses, factories, and warehouses, interspersed with vacant lots, the neighborhood had become primarily African American and Puerto Rican, and among the poorest in the city. Many of the area’s larger businesses left, as did most 42 chapter two middle class residents. By the mid-1960s, Penn El Service sat across the street from an abandoned carpet factory and a few doors away from a brothel.
While such compromises reflected the very real limitations of postwar Philadelphia’s pragmatic liberalism, PIDC’s accomplishments would provide a clear demonstration that this liberalism nonetheless retained the capacity to make meaningful interventions in the city’s economic life. chapter two Good Medicine for Philadelphia? Local Industrial Policy and the Problem of Jobs T he Penn El Service Company never counted among Philadelphia’s industrial giants. Occupying a worn, two-story building on North Street in the Fairmount section of Lower North Philadelphia, the company employed at most twelve people and in the mid-1960s had annual revenues of just $2 million.