By G. W. H. Lampe
The Cambridge background treats the Bible as a imperative record of Western civilization, a resource of exegesis and of doctrine, a power on schooling, at the development of scholarship, on paintings and literature, in addition to at the liturgy and the lifetime of the Christian church and its contributors. This quantity commences the examine of the Bible within the West. It starts off with Jerome and the Fathers and is going directly to the time of Erasmus. Introductory chapters glance again and swiftly survey the expansion of the biblical canon within the pre-Christian interval and the early church, and early Christian book-production. The relevant part of the quantity discusses exposition and exegesis of the Scriptures: within the palms of the Fathers, within the Medieval colleges, within the Liturgy and within the culture of medieval Jewish scholarship. The permeation of eu tradition via the Scriptures is illustrated by means of topics in paintings and manuscript representation, and by way of separate sections on all the major vernacular languages, giving particular consciousness to English. every one bankruptcy is written by means of a student and professional at the topic, who summarizes current wisdom and, in lots of instances, advances it by means of reporting his personal learn.
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Extra info for The Cambridge History of the Bible: Volume 2, The West from the Fathers to the Reformation
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G. Horner published a text based on the then known fragments between 1898 and 1905. Since then, a ninthcentury catena of the Gospels has come to light and there are fragments of tenth-century Gospel codices; codices of Acts and Paul are of even later date. A fragment of a parchment codex of the Pauline epistles from Deir al-Bala'izah, near Assiut, of the fourth or fifth century, lends colour to the view that the Bohairic Version may have influenced some of the readings in the sub-Achmimic Gospel of John already mentioned; yet many scholars are reluctant to date Copbo as early as the middle of the third century and some still urge a seventh- or eighth-century date for the Version.
3-8 andxiv. 1, without proving more than that Revelation was known in his circle and found helpful. To be helpful and inspiring a work threw light on the life, character and teaching of Christ or of his early followers and it harmonized with all that was known of God as seen in Christ and in them; the spiritual intuition of the Church rightly rejected the apocryphal Gospels from the accepted list of books, because they failed on both counts. But a work which won acceptance under (a), (J>) and (c) in one locality might not 42 Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press, 2008 Text and Canon of the New Testament to Jerome do so for many years, if at all, throughout the whole Church.
Research also on the oldest ritual manuscript, the Rituale Armenorum, confirms this view. It is not yet clear how far the basic Syriac texts of Arm1 depended on a Diatessaron or on a text like that of Syrvet; while Lyonnet favours the theory of an Armenian Diatessaron, Voobus rejects it. While, therefore, Lazar of Pharpi's view must be set aside that the first Armenian version of the New Testament was made from the Greek and the other Armenian tradition of Koriun and Moses of Chorene must be accepted, that it was made from Syriac sources, yet the study of the extant Greek-based manuscripts is by no means valueless if it throws light on the spread of manuscripts of Caesarean character through Cappadocia into Armenia.