By Michael Warner
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Additional resources for Fear of a Queer Planet: Queer Politics and Social Theory
Sample text
My intention here is hardly to criticize the conference (as if it simply could have proceeded otherwise), for its reluctance seems continuous with what might be described (with a few important but relatively isolated exceptions like Alexandra Kollontai)5 as Western Marxism's tradition of unthinking sex. 8 Why has thinking sex proven to be so difficult for Western Marxism? Why, if never simply or entirely an absence, does sexuality form an aporia, a blockage within the tradition's production-centered paradigm?
Bonaparte would seem to have thrown "the entire bourgeois economy into confusion" (135), in the process confusing the terms of Marx's own account. Some of the best recent readings of the Brumaire have shown how Marx sought to contain this confusion by treating Bonaparte's rule as merely a temporary aberration, a setback that history "even now" is working to correct. " (121). (We'll shortly see how interesting it is that this voice of authentic revolution should end up citing... ) Struggling desperately to support this optimism by identifying some social class that Bonaparte can be said to represent, Marx turns first to the peasantry, then to a more narrowly defined "conservative peasantry," only to reject each of these groups in turn in favor of a solution that, given his own terms, is hardly a Unthinking Sex 25 solution at all: a class with no class, a metonymic assemblage rather than a metaphoric unity, the pseudo-class of the lumpen proletariat who formed "the scum, offal and refuse of all [other] classes": Alongside decayed roues with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, maquereaus, brothel keepers, porters, litterati, organ-grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars — in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French term la bohème.
As the essay ends, Clastres offers a last idyllic glimpse: "Such is the life of the Guayaki Indians. By day they walk together through the forest, women and men, the bow in front, the basket behind" (127-28). The hierarchy of male and female is thus quietly but unmistakably affirmed. But what is denied is that it is not only cross-dressers who have bows and baskets, a front and a behind. Such a "preposterous" admission would be too threatening to the heterosexism that marks Clastres's reading. For it suggests that, in any clothing, bodies are not singular.