By Vivien Hart

What distinction does a written structure make to public coverage? How have girls staff fared in a state sure by means of constitutional rules, in comparison with these no longer coated by means of formal, written promises of reasonable technique or equitable end result? to enquire those questions, Vivien Hart lines the evolution of minimal salary rules within the usa and Britain from their universal origins in women's politics round 1900 to their divergent results in our day. She argues, opposite to universal knowledge, that the virtue has been with the yank constitutional method instead of the British. Basing her research on fundamental learn, Hart reconstructs criminal innovations and coverage judgements that revolved round the popularity of ladies as staff and the general public definition of gender roles. Contrasting seismic shifts and enlargement in American minimal salary coverage with indifference and eventual abolition in Britain, she demanding situations preconceptions in regards to the constraints of yankee constitutionalism as opposed to British flexibility. although constitutional standards did block and frustrate women's makes an attempt to realize reasonable wages, in addition they, as Hart demonstrates, created a terrain within the usa for principled debate approximately ladies, paintings, and the state--and a momentum for public policy--unparalleled in Britain. Hart's e-book could be of curiosity to coverage, hard work, women's, and felony historians, to political scientists, and to scholars of gender matters, legislations, and social coverage.

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First, the low standard of living may be stated to be at once the cause and consequence of women’s lack of organization. ” J. J. 101 Macarthur led opposition to limiting a minimum wage law either to women or to home workers. These were arbitrary distinctions, she believed, in a situation in which class was the defining characteristic. A rumor that “it is proposed that the [Trade Boards] Act should apply to women only” inflamed her. ”102 A more serious threat of restriction to home workers was equally unacceptable.

Wages had been identified as the key to the problem of sweating. 56 • N O S W E A T • 25 And a minimum wage policy was tried for the first time in 1896, in Victoria, Australia, by provincial premier Arthur Deakin. 57 Dilke’s friendship with Alfred Deakin provided the introduction: “In 1887, Mr. ”59 The WTUL targeted sweating because “almost all trades in which women are employed are based on sweating principles,” and launched a campaign for organization and legislation. 62 The WTUL, founded in 1874 by Emma Paterson to organize women and fight for their employment on equal terms with men, combined with difficulty a membership of middle-class women (and some men) with women workers, and the functions of union, pressure group, and (its original name) provident society.

Our remedy is only intended to apply to a very limited extent. ”49 It was also a remedy defined with 24 • C H A P T E R T W O • reference to a pathology of economic process, not with reference to gender. But it was taken up and pushed onto the public agenda by reformers, mainly women, whose greatest experience was with the problems of women and families. Part of the difficulty of reconciling an economic analysis with a sense of a gendered problem lay in the varying success of these women reformers in coming to terms with women’s changing role in industrial society.

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Bound by Our Constitution: Women, Workers, and the Minimum by Vivien Hart
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