By Jyoti Hosagrahar
This publication examines how a old and so-called 'traditional' urban quietly advanced into person who used to be sleek in its personal phrases; in shape, use and which means. via a centred examine of Delhi, the writer demanding situations wide-spread assumptions in structure and urbanism to spot an interpretation of modernism that is going past traditional knowing. half one displays on changes and discontinuities in outfitted shape and spatial tradition and questions accredited notions of the static nature of what's in general often called conventional and non-Western structure. half is a severe dialogue of Delhi within the 19th and early 20th centuries, redefining modernism in a fashion that separates the city's structure and society from the objectified realm of the unique while acknowledging non-Western principles of modernity. within the ultimate half the writer considers 'indigenous modernities': the abnormal, the asymmetric and the unforeseen in what uncritical observers could name a coherent 'traditional' society and equipped setting.
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Example text
These three suburbs have never been properly surveyed; they have attained their present dimensions since the map of 1873 was prepared. J. Wilson, a retired official of the Survey of India who had been largely responsible for the Lahore city survey, to prepare the maps of Delhi. The Wilson Survey, a set of 250 plans and drawings, carefully documented the area within the municipal limits of Delhi. Every structure and street, however small, were surveyed and marked. â Courtyards, staircases, wells, drains, standpipes, telegraph posts, letter boxes, wire fences, tramway posts and tracks were all denoted on the maps.
The quality of the housing environment was reduced to absolute and quantifiable determinants and the attributes were then applied to the new layouts. A close examination, however, reveals complex and contradictory perceptions and realities. Implicit in the development of new housing for the local population was the idea of a regulated and â modernâ environment creating obedient and â modernâ citizens. In this chapter, I investigate the making of the new extensions in the context of the perceived differences in the society and spatial practices between the old and the new city.
1 A sampling of the â goodwill moneyâ far in excess of rent that incoming tenants paid on obtaining a shop in the Grand parade. The government did not sell the sites but gave them on long term leases. Building rights were given in return for a fixed ground rent. The merchants proceeded to erect fine shops and as the land values rapidly increased made a tidy profit by subletting them unofficially. ) Number Name of tenant  1 Muhammad Husain, son of Muhammad Umar 125 7 0 1,543 18,000 2 Muhammad Ibrahim, son of Haji Allah Baksh 12 8 0 609 15,000 3 Abdul Hasan, son of Muhammad Husain 16 8 0 90 6,080 4 Abdul Samad, son of Abdullah 20 0 0 1,285 6,500 Source: Whitehead, Report on the Administration of the Delhi Crown Lands, 1933, p.