By Giovanni Arrighi, Charles Tilly, Stanley Aronowitz, Leo Panitch, Ellen Meiksins Wood, Alex Callinicos, Sam Gindin, Malcolm Bull, Timothy Brennan, Tom Mertes, Michael Rustin, Sanjay Seth, Gopal Balakrishnan
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s booklet Empire has been hailed as a latter day Communist Manifesto. Its skill to strengthen a theoretical framework proper to the present interval of worldwide neo-liberalism and foreign capitalism captured the mind's eye of the becoming anti-capitalist circulate and has been claimed as a turning element for the left.
As a lot because it has seduced and extremely joyful a few, in spite of the fact that, it has enraged and pissed off others. during this assortment, a chain of a few of the main acute foreign theorists and commentators of our occasions topic the booklet to trenchant and probing research from political, financial and philosophical views, and Hardt and Negri reply to their questions and criticisms.
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Additional resources for Debating Empire (New Left Review Debates)
Sample text
The French absolutist state consequently had an interest in securing and protecting peasant landowning as a source of revenue against the re-encroachments of the lordly classes. 80 For Brenner, the differential outcomes of the class struggles in England and France are explained by the divergent evolution of the English and French states. Curiously, in explaining these divergent state trajectories Brenner explicitly evokes ‘international’ factors: the Normandy invasions for England, and the political-military pressures of the English state on the French.
A variety of authors from traditions as diverse as Marxism,131 feminism132 and Subaltern Studies133 have convincingly demonstrated that the origins of capitalism were heavily circumscribed – and in fact often constituted – by such coercive, nonmarket forms of exploitation and oppression. Others have shown how inequalities based on gender134 and ‘race’135 continue to be inscribed in the very ‘logic’ of capital accumulation. But constrained as they are by disavowing the ‘extra-economic’ side of capitalism’s history, it is somewhat inevitable that Political Marxists might consider their historical status secondary.
Indd 26 18/05/2015 12:18:45 the transition debate So the Political Marxist conception of pre-capitalist societies as essentially developmental dead-ends is an historical claim that is both Eurocentric and difficult to sustain empirically. This should force us to reconsider the significance of productive forces historically, and re-evaluate the possibility of reincorporating their study into our theoretical explanations of the transition to capitalism. The Geopolitical in the Making of Capitalism The ontological singularity of the Political Marxist approach gives rise to a series of historico-theoretical exclusions from their account of the origins of capitalism: namely, intersocietal interaction and the concomitant geopolitical relations of political-military competition and war-making.