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Imre Nagy called in vain for the insurgents to lay down their arms, saying that he would personally negotiate with the Soviet Union for the withdrawal of their troops from Hungary. But his calls fell on deaf ears and the bloodshed continued. The following day, though half of Hungary remained in the hands of the uprising, Nagy established a national coalition. In order to calm passions and the Soviet Union, he announced publicly that the uprising in Hungary was not antirevolutionary but a democratic movement.
Edivý: KSČ a československá zahraničná politika [The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and Czechoslovak Foreign Policy]. Praha 1961; J. Brouček: Československá tragedie [The Czechoslovak Tragedy]. New York 1953; K. Kaplan: Pravda o Československu [The Truth about Czechoslovakia]. Praha 1990. 42 Slavomír Michálek Czechoslovak Foreign Policy after World War Two The original ambition of Czechoslovakia in the postwar period was to situation itself somewhere in the middle, on the boundary between the two 'worlds'.
On the night between October 23 and 24, a crowd of 100,000 demonstrators pulled down a statue of Stalin and removed red stars. The demands of the demonstrators expanded to include the reorganization of the economy and respect for old Hungarian national symbols (in particular, the coat-of-arms). In the early morning of October 24, Budapest Radio aired a statement of a minister in the National Council: namely, that the uprising was being conducted by reactionary and anti-revolutionary elements that were attacking public buildings and security forces.